Durotriges

The Durotriges

Background to the Durotriges

Location of the tribe
The Durotriges occupied what is now Devon and parts of Dorset and Somerset.

Principal towns and settlements in Durotriges territory

Durnovaria or Dorotrioum – (Dorchester, Dorset) – The civitas capital of the Durotriges. A large walled town.

Other Settlements
Lindinis – (Ilchester, Somerset) – Was the only other walled town apart from the capital and was possibly the centre of a separate tribal capital of the northern Durotriges.

Hengistbury Head – Ancient trading centre of the Durotriges on the south coast of Dorset.

Durnovaria Vindocladia – (Badbury, Dorset) – Small settlement to take the inhabitants of the nearby hillfort of Badbury Rings.

Woodyates – Small settlement or posting station..

Hamworthy – (Poole, Dorset) – Small port serving the campaign fortress of the Second Legion and the later settlement at Badbury.

Radipole – (Weymouth, Dorset) – A small port.

Wareham – (Dorset) – A settlement of unknown extent, perhaps the centre of the extensive stone and shale quarries near Kimmeridge and Purbeck.

Some of the Durotriges kings and queens

The Durotriges did not keep any records of their rulers, and the coins they issued were unique in that they did not have images of their monarchs on them

Dobunni

The Dobunni

Background to the Dobunni

Location of the tribe
The west of England, taking in Avon and part of Gloucestershire.

Principal towns and settlements in Dobunni territory

Corinium Dobunnorum – (Cirencester, Gloucester) – Established by the Romans at the centre of a network of local roads. At it’s height the town covered more than 230 acres, the fourth largest town in Roman Britain.

Other Sites
Alcester – (Warwickshire) – Small walled town.

Ariconium – (Weston-under-Penyard, Hereford & Worcester) – A major settlement and administrative centre situated near the Forest of Dean.

Asthall (Oxfordshire) – Minor settlement on Akeman Street, between Corinium and Alchester.

Atrebatum – (Silchester, Hampshire) near the border with the Atrebates.

Bagendon – (Gloucestershire) – Notable oppidum-style pre-Roman settlement near Corinium. Hereford (Hereford & Worcester) – Possible Roman settlement or posting station.

Blackwardine – (Hereford & Worcester) – Minor settlement near border with the Cornovii in the north of the canton.

Bourton on the Water – (Gloucestershire) – Major settlement on Fosse Way NE of Corinium.

Chesterton-on-Fosse – (Warwickshire) – A small walled town near the border with the Coritani in the NE of the canton.

Cricklade – (Wiltshire) – Minor settlement on Ermin Way SE of Corinium.

Dorn – (Gloucestershire) – Romano-British town on Fosse Way NE of Corinium. Lower Lea (nr. Swalcliffe, Oxfordshire) – minor settlement near borders with the Catuvellauni.

Durocornovium – (Wanborough, Wiltshire) – Major settlement on Ermin Way between Corinium and Calleva

Glevum – (Gloucester, Gloucestershire) – The site of at least two large Roman fortresses, a Roman colonia was established here in AD97.

Magnis (Kenchester, Hereford & Worcester) – Small town where a milestone of emperor Numerian was found, suggesting that the Civitas Dobunnorum held sway also on the west bank of the Severn. Separated from the civitas capital Corinium by the territorium of the Roman colony at Glevum, it is possible that Kenchester was the centre of an administrative pagus.

Nettleton Shrub – (Wiltshire) – Rural temple on the Fosse Way between Corinium and Aquae Sulis (Bath), marking the border between the Dobunni and the Belgae.

Salinae – (Droitwich Spa, Hereford & Worcester) – Major town whose important salt industries were worth guarding by the setablishment of an Auxiliary fort.

Sutton Walls – (Hereford & Worcester) – Iron Age hill fort continued to be occupied by a small community into Roman times.

Stretton Grandison – (Hereford & Worcester) – Minor settlement and auxiliary fort.

Tiddington – (Warwickshire) – Minor industrial settlement.

Vertis – (Worcester, Hereford & Worcester) – Town and potteries on the east bank of the Severn, at an important strategic crossing.

White Walls – (Easton Grey, Wiltshire) – Minor settlement on the Fosse Way SW of Corinium.

Wilcote – (Oxfordshire) – Cluster of villas and possible settlement on Akeman Street, near the border with the Catuvellauni.

Some of the Dobunni kings and queens

Anted– Leader of the Dobunnic territories during the first decade of the first century AD. He seemed to have brought together the northern and southern factions of the tribe under a leadership for the first time since the division of the tribe in the latter half of the first century BC. This division was antagonised by their respective successors Catti– and Comux–. Anted– appears to have been succeeded by Eisu–, possibly his own son, 30AD.

Bodvoc It is probable that he ruled over the northern part of the Dobunni tribe. His brother, Corio appeared to have ruled over the southern part of the tribe,. Whether the division of the Dobunnic kingdom was agree by decree or war, is not known. The is evidence shows that Corio ruled over the entire Dobunnic kingdom for a while before Bodvoc took over in the north. It is possible that Bodvoc was succeeded by Catti– in the north, while Corio was replaced by Comux– in the southern territories.

Catti– Possibly inherited the northern Dobunnic lands from Bodvoc around 1BC – 1AD.

Comux– Possibly succeeded Corio as the king of the southern Dobunni around 1BC – 1AD.

Corio King of the southern Dobunni in Gloucester towards the end of the first century BC. . It is possible that the splitting of the Dobunnic territories occurred during his reign. Corio was succeeded at around 1BC – 1AD by Comux–.

Eisu– Successor to the united Dobunnic throne following the re-merger of the tribe by Anted–. He assumed power around 30AD, and was probably chieftain during the Roman invasion, though whether he was leader of the faction of the Dobunni that surrendered to Plautius is unknown.

Inam– Appeared to rule over the entire Dobunnic territory. Whether he ruled the kingdom prior to it being divided and shared by Bodvoc and Corio or after the tribe was reunited under the kingship of Anted–, will probaby never be known.

Deceangli

The Deceangli

Background to the Deceangli

Location of the tribe
Far Northern Wales

Background information
Possibly also known as Decangi, Deceangi, Cangi and Ceangi, the Deceangli had no real governement but they did have a tribal capital, Canovium, which late became the civitas capital

They were probably under military government like their welsh based neighbours, the Ordovices after the campaign of Agricola in 78AD. The extent of their tibal terrirories lay in the extreme northern coastal area of Wales; north west and north east Clwyd and northern Gwynedd.

Like the Ordovician, the Deceangli lived mainly in hillforts, notably in a series of settlements along the entire length of the Clwydian Range in the eastern part of their territory.

From Moel Hiraddug near the mouth of the Clwyd river, they are in a closesly formed chain along the eastern bank of the Moel y Gaer river. Continuing west along the northern Welsh coastline from the mouth of the Clwyd, are Deceanglian forts at Pen y Corddyn, Conwy Mountain at the mouth of the Conwy and Pen y Gaer further inland along the Conway valley, and Dinas Dinorwig overlooking the Menai Straits and Mona Insula.

Some of the writings about the Deceangli

Tacitus
‘By the Icenian defeat all who were wavering between war and peace were reduced to quietude, and the army was led against the Ceangi (Deceangli). The country was devastated, booty collected everywhere, while the enemy declined to risk a battle, or, if he made a stealthy attempt to harrass the marching columns, found his treachery punished. And now Ostorius was within measurable distance of the sea which looks towards Ireland, when an outbreak of sedition among the Brigantes recalled a leader who was firm in his resolution to attempt new conquests only when he had secured the old.’

Principal towns and settlements in Deceangli territory

Canovium – (Caerhun, Gwynedd) – Cavalry fort on the Afon Conwy. The minor settlement outside the fort was possibly the civitas capital of the Deceangi.

Other recorded sites
Prestatyn
– (Clwyd) – Fort and minor settlement.

Llandudno – (Gwynedd) – Roman copper mines on Great Orme’s Head near Aberconwy. There was most certainly a settlement nearby.

Pentre – (Clwyd) – A small settlement serving the Lead/Silver Mines.

Ruthin – (Clwyd) – Fort at the head of the Vale of Clwyd, beside the Afon Clywedog.

Bryn y Gefeiliau (Gwynedd) – Fort on the Afon Llugwy between Betws-y-Coed and Capel Curig.

Kings of the Catuvellauni

Kings of the Catuvellauni

Cassivelaunus Fl 55-4 BC
Andocomius Son of C
Tasciovanus (Tehvant) D cAD 13
Cunobelinus D cAD 40 Son of T 1 Silurian princess 2 Cartimandua, queen of the Brigantes
Togodumnus
Caratacus
Adminius
2 others (Tacitus)
Guiderius (Guidgen)
Belinus
Lou Hen
Aballacos
Canis Scapulatis
Eugen
Eudelin bro of E
Decianus
Brictogenius Dobunni woman
Eliud
Dubu
Outigern Decanti woman
Amguerit
Oudecant
Docilis
Ritigern
Ceionius
Iumetel
Tacitus (Tegid)
Gratus
Paternus (Padarn Beisrudd)
Urbanus
Eternus (Edeyrn
Telpuill
Cunedda Gwledig Gwawi
Tehvant (Tasciovanus)
Coel Hen
Gwawi wife of CG

 

Catuvellauni

The Catuvellauni

Background to the Catuvellauni

Location of the tribe
The Catuvellauni occupied the central part of England, encompassing London, Hertfordshire , Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Cambridgeshire, Oxfordshire, parts of Essex, Northamptonshire.

Background information
The Catuvellauni were something of an enigma in that they were not recorded by Julius Caesar anywhere in his writings on Britain. Yet when Claudius invaded in 43AD , the Catuvellauni were the most dominant tribe in Britain, having taken control by force of much of South East England. But we do know that Cassivellaunus organised the British resistance against Caesar’s second expeditionary force. There reasons for this may have been:

  • The Catuvellauni were known under a different name
  • Caesar may have considered them too small to mention (Considering the area they occupied this is highly unlikely.)
  • Caesar was known for recording events in a manner that turned defeat into victory, and may have tried to play down the role of the Catuvellauni in their defiance of his forces.

This tribe was known for having strong leadership and a well organised structure with an effective fighting force. Which was how they managed to take over the land occupied by the Atrebates, Trinovantes and the Cantium. The reasons for expanding outwards from their own territory were mainly political rather than just a desire to dominate surrounding areas.

  • The Catuvellauni were very much an inland tribe and wanted to take advantage of the new found wealth that came with European trade.
  • The tribe wanted to have control over the tribes most likely to threaten their superiority of central England.
  • Supplies of goods and produce had to transported through hostile territory.
  • The wanted to have more access to the coastal regions of Britain, thereby enabling them to defend their territory more effectively.

Some of the writings about the Catuvellauni

Caesar
‘by common consent they had entrusted the supreme command and conduct of the campaign to Cassivellaunus, whose territories are divided from the maritime states by the river called Tamesis², about eighty miles from the sea.’

Caesar
‘”Having obtained knowledge of their plans, Caesar led his army into the borders of Cassivellaunus as far as the River Thames, which can be crossed at one place¹ only on foot, and that with difficulty. ..’

Caesar
‘When the Trinovantes had been placed under protection and secured from all outrage at the hands of the troops, the Cenimagni, the Segontiaci, the Ancalites, the Bibroci and the Cassi sent deputations and surrendered to Caesar. …’

It is interesting to note that Caesar does not actually mention the Catuvellauni, just their leader Cassivellaunus.

Principal towns and settlements in Catuvellauni territory

Verulamium – (St. Albans, Hertfordshire). The third largest town in Britain under the Romans. Destroyed during the Boudiccan rebellion. In 50AD, became a municipium, which granted Roman rights to the occupants

Wheathamstead – (Hertfordshire) – Situated just north of St. Alban’s, is reputed to be the site of the decisive defeat of Cassivellaunus by Julius Caesar in 54BC.

The Aubreys – (nr. Redbourn, Hertfordshire) – Posting Station and Settlement

Ravensburgh (Bedfordshire) – Posting Station and Settlement

Sulloniacis – (Brockley Hill, Greater London) – A settlement which was the centre of an important pottery industry.

Durocobrms – (Dunstable, Bedfordshire) – Minor settlement where Watling Street crossed the Icknield Way.

Magiovinium – (Dropshort, Buckinghamshire) – A Major settlement and road station at the crossing of the Ouzel.

Lactodurum – (Towcester, Northamptonshire) – A small town.

Bannaventa.- (Whilton Lodge, Northamptonshire) – A 4th century fortified town.

Durobrivae – (Water Newton, Cambridgeshire) – Town beside the river Nene succeeded an early fort. Centre of the flourishing Castor potteries, and surrounded by a number of rich villas.

Durovigutum – (Godmanchester, Cambridgeshire) – Small walled town and road centre mentioned in the Ravenna Cosmography.

Duroliponte – (Cambridge, Cambridgeshire) – Listed the Antonine Itinerary.

Other settlements listed under the current day name

Alchester – (Oxfordshire) – Walled town, replaced early Roman Fort.

Baldock – (Hertfordshire) – Posting station on Ermine Street.

Billericay – (Essex) – Small settlement.

Bishops Stortford – (Hertfordshire) – posting station on the Camulodunum – Braughing road.

Blacklands – (nr. King’s Sutton, Northamptonshire) – Settlement of uncertain character north of Alchester.

Braintree – (Essex) – posting station on the Camulodunum – Braughing road.

Braughing – (Hertfordshire) – Posting station and major settlement at the focus of several roads.

Duston – (Northamptonshire) – Metal-working centre near Northampton.

Dorchester-on-Thames (Oxfordshire) – Walled town, replacing an earlier native settlement.

Fleet Marston – (Buckinghamshire) – Intermediate posting station on Akeman Street west of Aylesbury, between Alcester and Verulamion.

Great Chesterford – (Essex) – Walled town, succeeding an early military site.

Great Dunmow – (Essex) – posting station on the Camulodunum – Braughing road.

Horseheath – (Cambridgeshire) – Small settlement.

Irchester – (Northamptonshire) – Walled town.

Kettering – (Northamptonshire) – An iron-working settlement of some importance.

Little London – (Chigwell, Essex) – posting station on the Londinium – Great Dunmow road.

Prittlewell – (Essex) – Small settlement.

Sandy – (Bedfordshire) – Ermine Street posting station.

Sawtry – (Cambridgeshire) – minor settlement.

Welwyn – (Hertfordshire) – Small settlement.

Wimpole Lodge – (Cambridgeshire) – Posting station.

Woodeaton – (Oxfordshire) – Shrine and a rural market .

Some of the Catuvellauni kings and queens

Cassivellaunus The main opponent of Caesar in both of his expeditions. Cassivellaunus may have formed the tribe known as the Catuvellauni from a group of smaller tribes of Belgian origin living north of the Thames. The next identifiable ruler of the Catuvellauni was Tasciovanus who took the throne around 20BC, though whether he was the son or grandson of Cassivellaunus is unknown. Cassivellaunus may mean ‘Vellaunus of the Cassi’, when translated (His tribe was the Cassi and his name was Vellaunus.) The name given to the newly unified tribe gathered under his command could mean ‘the Followers, or Smiters, of Vellaunus’.

Andocomius This ruler succeeded when Cassivellaunus died around 30BC, and it is suspected he married a daughter of Mandubracius of the Trinovantes of Essex. This would have made a bond between these two tribes that would enable them to coexist in relative peace. He died about 20BC leaving the Catuvellaunian tribe in the hands of his son Tasciovanus.

Tasciovanus The grandson of Cassivellaunus, and the father of Cunobelin and Epaticcus. He was ruler of the tribe from 20BC, and the first Catuvellaunian king to issue inscribed coins, bearing the VER(ulamium) mint marks. He was also the first to turn against the Trinovantes, ending the long-established treaty between Caesar and his own grandfather Cassivellaunus. Between 10 and 15BC he issued a coins bearing the mint mark CAMU(lodunum). This would indicate that he had either taken the Trinovantes by force, or was claiming the territory for his own. Whether or not he actually ruler the Trinovantes is unclear. He was succeeded by his brilliant son Cunobelin AD10.

Andoco Known only from inscriptions on coins, where his name appears as ANDO or ANDOCO, and on one issue as TAS ANDO in which it is assumed that his name appears with that of his overlord, Tasciovanus. The distribution of these coins suggest that Andocos or Andocoveros ruled over a territory on the western area of the Catuvellauni, and was issuing coin towards the end of the reign of Tasciovanus around 15BC-AD10) at the turn of the first century AD.

Cunobelin Son of Tasciovanus, father of Adminius, Togodumnus and Caratacus. During the last years of his father’s reign, he invaded the territory of the Trinovantes and overwhelmed them. He continued to rule over the Trinovantes from Camulodunum and reigned over both the Catuvellaunian and Trinovantian people by about 10AD

He became ‘the first British statesman’ and through diplomatic means, probably held the thrones of both regions , for some of his later coinage bears the title “REX”. He continued to rule the combined tribes from Camulodunum for many years, and Camulodunum became the focal point of British politics, learning and trade. Suddenly, in about 40AD, he is believed to have suffered a stroke. Subsequent military actions by his sons Togodumnus and Caratacus, swept throughout south-east Britain deposing first their own brother Adminius from Cantium, then their old adversary Verica of the Atrebates. Cunobelin died shortly before the Roman invasion.

Epaticcus A son of Tasciovanus, maybe the younger brother of Cunobelin. It is believed he moved further into Atrebatian territory and deposed king Verica, and installed himself at his capital, Calleva circa 25AD. He continued to take Verica’s lands to west and south until his death, probably on campaign in 35AD, after which his desire to conquer surrounding lands was continued by his nephews Caratacus and Togodumnus in the late 30’s AD.

Adminius A son of Cunobelin, therefore to Togodumnus and Caratacus. He appears to have been given authority over the Cantium towards the end of the reign of Tiberius around 35AD, replacing the old chief Vodenos who may have died. Adminius was driven from Cantium by his two brothers, apparently with the approval of his father at around 40AD. This was presumably because of his leanings towards the Romans, which had resulted from his governing that part of Britain closest to Gaul and so influenced by the Romans across the channel.. He probably had the idea the Romans would invade Britain, and so intended to ensure he kept his position in British society.

He escaped capture and fled to Gaul, moving on to Germany in 41AD. He sought the support of Gaius Caligula and tried to persuade the emperor that Britain was ready to be taken at this time. The attempt of Gaius failed dismally, and Adminius no doubt accompanied the emperor back to Rome where he was subsequently returned to Britain by the emperor Claudius in 43AD, just before the invasion. It is possible that he was installed as the nominal governor of Cantium for his services, and possibly lived in the Villa discovered at Eccles near the crossing of the North Downs Way and the river Medway. Here he most likely spent the remainder of his life.

Togodumnus A son of Cunobelin, and brother to both Caratacus and Adminius. While his father ruled the joint Catuvellaunian/Trinovantian kingdom from Camulodunum, and his brother Adminius governed Cantium from Durovernum. Togodumnus was given administrative authority over the Catuvellaunian tribe and based himself at the old capital of Verulamium around 35AD, following the death of his uncle Epaticcus who had previously secured the western borders of the kingdom by his occupation of the Atrebates capital, Calleva.

When Cunobelin was incapacitated by illness in 40AD, Togodumnus supported the expulsion of Adminius from Cantium by his younger brother Caratacus. Following his fathers death around 42AD and his subsequent taking of the throne, he empowered Caratacus to resume the war against the Atrebates, who eventually forced Verica to flee to the continent. He fought at least two major battles against Aulus Plautius in 43AD and was either killed during the battle of the Medway, or died from his wounds shortly afterwards.

Caratacus Probably the youngest son of Cunobelin, and brother to Adminius and Togodumnus. It is quite possible that he accompanied Epaticcus, his uncle, during his campaigns against Verica of the Atrebates from 25AD until his death about 35AD. Following the death of his father in 40AD, he took the throne from his elder brother Adminius. He then joined forces with his other brother Togodumnus in 41AD to carry on the campaign against the Atrebates.. He fought several battles against Plautius during the invasion of 43AD before retreating to Wales, where he incited the Silures and Ordovices to rise up against the Romans.

During the change in Roman administration in 47AD, Caratacus led the Silures in a well-timed attack deep into Gloucestershire. The new governor, Ostorius Scapula, spent almost the whole of his term of office fighting against Caratacus, finally beating him in a final battle in mid-Wales in 50AD. Caratacus fled to the Brigantes in an attempt to find sanctuary and seek support from Queen Cartimandua.

This was a foolhardy move as Cartimandua had already agreed a pact of non aggression with the Romans. This gave the Brigantes the perfect opportunity to show their loyalty to their Roman masters. He was held prisoner, then handed over to Scapula. He was sent in 51AD under guard to the emperor for punishment. Caratacus was a shrewd man who knew how to manipulate people, and although he had not managed to influence Queen Cartimandua, he so impressed the Senate with his defiant speech that he was allowed to live with his family in Rome.

Cantii

The Cantium

Background to the Cantium

Location of the tribe
Far South East of England, Kent and a smail part of Sussex

Background information
Julius Caesar noted in his writings that this part of Britain was occupied by what he considered to be the most civilised tribe in Britain.

Mostly this attributed to the fact that being the furthest south and east, therefore closest to the continent, they were the tribe most influenced by European ways and innovation, due to their extensive trade with Gaul.

Some of the writings about the Cantium

Caesar
The natural shape of the island (Britain) is triangular, and one side lies opposite to Gaul. Of this side one angle, which is in Cantium (where almost all the ships from Gaul come in to land), faces the east, the lower angle faces south.’

Caesar
‘Of all the Britons the inhabitants of Cantium, an entirely maritime district, are by far the most civilised, differing but little from the Gallic manner of life.’And provides us with further snippets on the political

Caesar
‘Cassivellaunus¹ sent messages to Cantium, a country by the sea, as above set forth, over whose four districts Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segovax ruled as kings, and commanded them to collect all their forces for a sudden attempt and assault upon the naval camp.’

Principal towns and settlements in Cantium territory

Durovernum Cantiacorum – (Canterbury, Kent) – Pre-Roman settlement, later Civitas capital served by a port three miles down the Stour at Fordwich.

Pre-Roman Settlements
Durobrivae – (Rochester, Kent) – Pre-Roman native settlement on the Medway. One of only two walled towns in Cantium territory. The other being Canterbury.
Durolitum? – (Ospringe, Kent)
Hastings (Sussex) – This iron port had overland connections with Kent rather than Sussex.
Loose – (near to Maidstone, Kent) – Pre-Roman native settlement on the upper Medway.
Maidstone (Kent) – A Roman settlement of some kind is suspected.
Noviomagus Cantiacorum
-(Crayford, Greater London) – Posting Station on Watling Street
Portus Dubris – (Dover, Kent) – Coastal Station
Portus Lemanis – (Lympne, Kent) – Coastal Station
Rutupiae – (Richborough, Kent) – The main port of entrance to Britain.
Titsey (Kent) – Rural temple may mark the western border of the Canton.
Vagniacis
or Vagniacae – (Springhead, Kent) – Posting Station on Watling Street

Some of the Cantium kings and queens

Dubnovellaunus Perhaps one of several kings of the Cantium in the latter half of the first century BC. He could well have been the second British king mentioned in the Augustan record, but it is not likely.

Cunobelin The coins of Cunobelin of the Catuvellauni appeared throughout Cantium territory during the early part of the first century AD. It is widely beleived that the Catuvellauni became extremely powerful sometime between the second expedition of Caesar and the Roman invasion. There is much evidence to suggest that the Cantium tribe were overrun by the Catuvellauni, as were the Atrebates and the Trinovantes.

Adminius Adminius was probably the eldest son of Cunobelin, who was given the administration of Cantium by his father around 30AD

Holy Places of the Brigantes

Yorkshire’s Holy Wells &

the Severed Head – Holy places of the Brigantes?

by Edna Whelan

The cult of the severed head is important in Celtic tradition; and most of Yorkshire was once occupied by the Celtic tribe of the Brigantes, a confederacy of Celtic tribes subservient to an overruling royal dynasty. The reign of their queen Cartimandua was contemporaneous with that of Boadicea. The land which they occupied stretched from the River Calder northwards to the Tyne and extended from the east to the west coasts, and therefore they were a force to be reckoned with when the Roman cohorts headed north. Their nine large towns or settlements were noted by Ptolemy in the first century AD and included Catterick, Aldborough, Ilkley and York.

It seems strange therefore that amongst the two hundred or so holy wells in Yorkshire there are only three or four which have stone heads incorporated in their decorative structure, whilst Celtic or Celtic-style stone heads abound on buildings, walls and bridges all over the county.

   The holy wells which are definitely associated with heads are, however, each very special. The only listed holy well in our broad acres, to my knowledge, is situated at Eshton in Wharfedale, not far from the town of Skipton; and this is named St Helen’s Well as are many of our wells in the north. We like to claim St Helen as being of Brigantine royal lineage as she was the wife of Constantius the First, who died at York, and the mother of Constantine the Great who was first proclaimed Emperor there [Turner, (1888); p. 200]. She is, rightly or wrongly, enshrined in our part of the world as a Yorkshire lass. St Helen, as a Brigantine princess, would also be related to Coel Hen Godebog, a post- Roman overlord of North Britain, who is now also known as Old King Cole [Phillips, (1976); p. 50].

The holy well at Eshton is of a unique design, having a slightly semicircular stone curb which retains the water at a certain level until it finds its way around and under the confining bounds. At either end of the curb are two deeply-carved square stones of strange design; and spaced along the waterside edge at intervals, are what seem to be three round stones with slight hollows in the top.

If, however, you kneel down on the curb and feel with your hands under the water beneath the three stones, you become pleasantly aware of a secret.

They are really the crowns of three stone heads, and it is possible to recognise by the sense of touch the eyes, nose and mouth of the faces which are submerged beneath the water.

The only person I knew who ever acquired a clear view of the heads was an archaeologist named Lionel Atkinson, who lived in the next village; and he told me that in a year of long drought the water level at the well was much lower than usual, and it was possible actually to see and examine the faces. He was of the opinion that they were not Celtic but of a much later date, as the features were more pronounced; and he thought that they might have been removed, in times long past from some religious establishment.

The water here was said to possess healing properties for eye diseases and a number of smaller ailments, and the custom was to mix the water of the well with sugar before drinking it. It is also mentioned in a commission relating to the Manor of Flasby in 1429 that there was a chapel-of-ease dedicated to St Helen standing beside the well.

The next holy well which features a stone head is situated on a forest ride three-quarters of the way up the wooded slopes of Witton Fell at the foot of Wensleydale. The track which leads to the well is called Castaway Ride and there is reference to;

‘a beautiful spring designated Cast-a-way Well, almost on the summit of the fell…There is another spring on the fell called Diana’s Well…This fountain is considered so pure that a very old rhyme is still current:

“Whoever eats Hammer nuts, and drinks Diana’s water [pronounced watter],

Will never leave Witton Town while he’s a rag or tatter”.

The nearby Hammer Woods contain excellent hazel nuts and the Witton people are proverbial for their attachment to the place.’

[Hope, (1893); p. 196; Whellan, (1859); p. 450].

   Diana’s Well is marked on the Ordnance Survey map, and is relatively easy to find as it is sited beside the track a good mile and a half into the forest; but I have walked quite a few miles through the woods on this hillside and I have never come across any sign of Cast-a-Way Well.

As its name seems to infer, Diana’s Well has retained its Roman connection and has so escaped Christianisation.

The water of the well emerges from the mouth of a stone head which is set into a high wall made up of large slabs of stone; and this wall, in holding back the soil of the hillside, also forms one side of a grotto.

The features of the head resemble the Celtic style of carving, but at some time the face was split down the centre, maybe when the lead pipe which carries the water was set into the mouth. This damage so distorts the face that it is difficult to recognise the nose, but the eyes are clearer; and the ears on the sides of the head are plain to see.

As the water flows from the mouth it falls a few inches into a small stone trough and then spills over to the ground, where it runs away across the forest track and into the undergrowth.

All around and below the sides of the trough grow luscious ferns and tall grasses, and the well is sited so deep within the forest that no-one seems to be around the place except the birds, and the small wild creatures, and a million or two insects.

The stone head itself is said to be a gargoyle taken from the nearby Jerveaulx Abbey, and the only wisp of a legend is the remaining rhyme, as quoted above.

The local people in their wry humour have given the well another name: that of ‘Slavering Sall’!

   My third holy well is a famous one, and is sited on the lower edge of Ilkley Moor above the ancient town of Ilkley. Its name is simply White Wells, the plural being represented by two bath houses into which the water which springs from the hillside has been piped. The plunge baths, one for men and the other for women, were built in 1760 by a certain Squire Middleton; but a reference to the wells contained in a letter written in 1709 by Dr Richardson of Bierley states that ‘Ilkley is chiefly famous for a cold well which has done very remarkable cures in scrofulous cases by bathing and drinking it’.

Only one of the baths is now accessible. This is quite large and is lined with stone tiles, and a shallow flight of steps leads down into the water. Set into the side wall of the bath is a stone head, and the water runs into the bath through its open mouth. The style of the head is definitely Celtic but it was made specifically for the baths when they were built.

The other bath is hidden beneath the floor of the house which is now used as living quarters for the custodians of the wells. I have been told by Mr Gavin Edwards, the archaeologist at Manor House Museum in Ilkley that the stone head was originally placed beside this bath.

There are two legends surrounding this well. The first one states that some time in the 1700s, a shepherd boy gashed his leg on a rock on the moor and, after bathing it in the water of the well, his wound was miraculously healed within a few days.

The second story is of a day in 1820 before the bath houses were roofed over, when the attendant at White Wells, one William Butterfield, arriving early to open up the doors, found that the key turned round and round in the lock and seemed to melt. On managing to force the door open he found to his astonishment a group of fairies frolicking by the water. They were tiny figures dressed in green and they disappeared over the wall and into the heather when he surprised them [Smith, (1878); Bord & Bord, (1985); p. 113]. There is no Christian saint associated with the well. The lady who used to look after it once told me that sometimes, when she visited the bath house early in the morning or late in the evening, she could hear a strange rhythmic sighing sound above the noise of the water, which seemed to come from the ground beneath.

The moors above Ilkley are famous for their large number of prehistoric remains, including stone circles, cup-marked stones and cairns, and also the singular Swastika Stone.

Although these three particular holy wells have heads enclosed within their framework none of them have legends of the severed heads of saints associated with them as in other parts of the country. This must have a logical explanation which at the moment eludes me.

There is another holy well sited on the outskirts of Hebden Bridge in West Yorkshire, which is named Green Springs, and which had two stone heads set into the wall just above the trough which contains the spring water. These Celtic-style archaic heads are no longer there because of modern disrespect for our ancient heritage. One weekend some thief stole one of the heads, to the horror and dismay of local historians, and therefore the second head was removed and taken away to a safe place.

This story was reported in the local paper and found its way into the Northern Earth magazine; but I cannot give a further description of the well itself as I have never – as yet – visited it. Nor do I know anything of its history. However, the association of the heads must give it some importance.

Another water source, in the woods near Adel on the edge of the suburbs of Leeds, is called the ‘Slavering Baby’. Here at one time the water emerged, once more, from the mouth of a stone head, but now the water trickles from the side of the stonework. There was once a tea house here, but as there are no other references or records attached to the place I hesitate to list it as a holy well and think it is merely a Victorian drinking fountain. I could be proved wrong.

References

 

Bord, Janet & Colin, (1985); Sacred Waters, London: Granada.

Hope R.C., (1893); The Legendary Lore of the Holy Wells of England, London: Elliot Stock.

Phillips, Guy Ragland, (1976); Brigantia, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Smith, Charles C., (1878); ‘Fairies at Ilkley Wells’, in Folk-Lore Record 1, pp. 229-31.

Turner, J. Horsfall, (Ed.), (1888); Yorkshire Folklore Journal 1.

Whellan, T., (1859); The History and Topography of the City of York and the North Riding of Yorkshire. Beverley: Author.

 

Brigantes in Arthurian Legend

Brigantia, Cartimandua and Gwenhwyfar

by

Michelle Ziegler,

Belleville, Illinois

The name Brigantia represents three separate concepts: a goddess, a people, and a tribal federation. By the Roman period, the name represented a tribal federation compromising all of what would become the Roman province of Britannia Secunda, except for the Parisi territory, east of the River Derwent. According to Ptolemy, Brigantian territory stretched from sea to sea, making its people the most numerous in Britain (Higham 1987:9). Initially, the entire Brigantian federation entered into the empire as a single civitas, whose capital was at Isurium Brigantium, modern Aldborough.

During the post-Roman period, the province of Britannia Secunda reverted to a state more reminiscent of its pre-Roman tribal society. The civitas of the Parisi quickly became the kingdom of Deira (Dumville 1989). Rheged appears to have been formed from the civitas of the Carvetii (Dark 1994:71-72). The Civitas Brigantium became divided into the regions or kingdoms of Elmet, Craven, and perhaps Brigantia, located on an axis from York to Catterick, plus probably others whose names have not survived. Aldborough/Isurium Brigantia was occupied in the fifth century but the civitas capital of the Brigantes would likely have been relocated to Eboracum (York; Dark 1994:72-74).

The term Brigantia and the concept of the goddess Brigantia survived into the post-Roman period. John Koch has tentatively translated two stanzas of the poem Y Gododdin to read “as [?] Brigantia rose, ascending towards the sky” (A.58) and “the man who [?]went down into [?] Brigantia was slain on a spear shaft” (A.71) (Koch 1997:107, 113). Catterick, the site of the main action in Y Gododdin, was deep in pre-Roman Brigantian territory.

All of the known post-Roman northern leaders located within the former territory of the Brigantian federation are found within the dynasty of Coel Hen the Protector.4 This creation of this super-dynasty may indicate that regions as far separate as Rheged in Cumbria and Elmet in south-eastern Brigantia were linked together in some sort of political union. This union could have taken several forms, from an actual federation with a supreme king to an alliance of tribes with a dominant king or alternatively, a succession of dominant kings exerting hegemony over the other kingdoms of the former province of Britannia Secunda. If the dynasty of Coel Hen can be seen to have been used by later scribes as a justification or rationalization for the reformation of the Brigantia polity, the localization of the Coeling dynasts suggests Brigantian territory extended beyond its limits under the Romans to include the Gododdin and part of Galloway.

Although fourth century Roman forts were abandoned all over Britain, Kenneth Dark observed “that out of at most 16 sites with later 5th-6th century evidence no fewer than 14 had probably been under the command of the Dux Britanniarum at the end of the 4th century” (Dark 1998). Not only were these sites reoccupied, they were refortified and Saxon mercenaries may have been recruited to man them, as mentioned in the Historia Brittonum (Dark 1992). The high status of these sites is illustrated by the British halls found in Birdoswald fortress (Dark 1992) and the fifth century Christian church found in the fortress of Vindolanda (Wilkinson 1998). Further occupation has been found at the two towns closest to the Wall, Carlisle and Corbridge, plus the other Brigantian towns of Catterick, Aldborough, York and Malton (Dark 1992). Placenames and Welsh tradition further specifically associate the Coelings with the Mote of Liddel, Papcastle (Derventio), and Catterick (Miller 1975). All of these sites are believed to be located within pre-Roman Brigantian territory.

In the fifth and sixth centuries, which have been called the Age of Arthur, the tribes of Greater Brigantia were indeed on their way to becoming a major power again. The combination of extensive fortification of the abandoned Roman sites and a dynasty that includes rulers located throughout the former Brigantian territory suggests that either the federation actually or functionally became reformed by alliance and/or hegemony. With the rebirth of Greater Brigantian independence, the pre-Roman past would have been recalled with pride and sorrow.

The Fall of Brigantia

When the Romans arrived in the first century, they found the vast Brigantian tribal federation in the neck of Britain organized under Queen Cartimandua (c. 43 to c. 70 AD), whose seat was at the massive fortification of Stanwick. Cartimandua’s husband was acknowledged as king, assuming the role as the Brigantian warlord. The Roman historian Tacitus (Annals 12.40, 2-7; Histories 3.45; Koch 1995:39-40) specifically acknowledges that it was Cartimandua, the living symbol of Brigantia, who held the ultimate power among the Brigantes and had an active role in choosing her husband/warlord. Indeed, it has been suggested that the Welsh word for king, brenin, is derived from brigantinos meaning the consort of Brigantia (Koch 1995:39). The Romans must have been pleased when they found that Cartimandua favored establishing formal contacts and alliances with them. Although firm evidence is lacking, it is believed that Brigantia became a Roman client kingdom as early as the 40’s AD (Hanson and Campbell 1986:73).

Initially, Brigantia prospered as a client state and grew wealthy. In 51 AD, Caratacus son of Cunobelinus, the leader of Celtic resistance to the Romans in the south, was captured and brought before Cartimandua, who promptly turned him over to the Romans. Tacitus (3.45; Koch 1995:40) credited Cartimandua’s capture of Caratacus as “having secured the most important component of Emperor Claudius’s triumph”.

In c. 69 AD, Cartimandua divorced her husband Venutius and took as her husband another warrior named Vellocatus (“better in battle”), Venutius’s former armor bearer. However this was no simple divorce for, by this action, her new husband became king. Tacitus (3.45; Koch 1995:39-40) recorded that the divorce and remarriage prompted a civil war among the Brigantes because the majority of the people preferred Venutius as king. Yet, Cartimandua’s will prevailed, “favoring the illegitimate husband [Vellocatus] were the queen’s libido and her ferocious temper” (Tacitus 3.45; Koch 1995:40).

Venutius, who had previously fought for the Romans, turned to the anti-Roman faction among the Brigantes for support and ignited a civil war. The war continued for some time among the Brigantes until Venutius was on the eve of victory. With Cartimandua in a compromised position, the Romans intervened to save their ally (Salway 1993:92). Roman intervention saved Cartimandua but in the end her actions gave the Romans an excuse to conquer Brigantia. The Romans could not tolerate the long Brigantian border in the hands of a hostile king who could not only attack the south himself but also harbor Roman enemies from the south (Salway 1993:92). To the Brigantians, the fault for their conquest by the Romans would have fallen squarely on the shoulders of Cartimandua and the war between her husbands . . . and would not have been forgotten.

Cartimandua was capable of such behavior because she was a living representative of the goddess of sovereignty, Brigantia (Koch 1995:39-40; Ross 1996:354-355). According to Anne Ross, “Cartimandua’s powerful role in Roman times may suggest that society recognized the power of the goddess by mirroring her authority in its own temporal ruler. . . . This particular goddess may have been as much concerned with the actual tribal hegemony as with the territory” (Ross 1996:456). According to Patrick Ford, horses were intimately associated with goddesses of sovereignty (Ford 1977: 8-10). It is possible that Cartimandua inherited this role since her name literally means “sleek pony” (Ross 1996:449).

Brigantia was a goddess who manifested herself under three forms. If we can take her later manifestation in Ireland as a guide, Cormac’s Glossary tells us Brigantia represented first and foremost sovereignty, with her other two aspects representing healing and metal working (Byrne 1973; Ross 1996:456). Anne Ross further identifies Brigantia as a patroness of pastoral peoples in Ireland and Britain. The advent of Christianity did not abolish the role of Brigantia as a symbol of sovereignty. According to John Koch, “a further survival of this idea is seen in the fragmentary elegy to the 7th century Welsh king Cadwallon in which the River Braint (<*Briganti) is described as overflowing in grief for its fallen consort”.

Cartimandua and Gwenhwyfar

The similarity between the activity of Cartimandua and the fate of Brigantia in the first century with Arthur’s Queen Gwenhwyfar (Guinevere) and the fall of Arthur’s realm in Geoffrey’s History of the Kings of Britain is striking. The case of Cartimandua takes a mythical possibility for the activities of the personification of Brigantia into the realm of historical fact. Like Cartimandua, Gwenhwyfar is said to have replaced her husband Arthur with his trusted commander Medraut (Modred). According to Geoffrey of Monmouth, Medraut (Modred) recruited foreign troops from the Saxons; similarly, Cartimandua recruited help from the Romans. The result in both cases is a ferocious civil war that leads to the destruction of the kingdom and eventual domination by an outside force. Both parties also recruited foreigners; the Romans in the first century and the Angles in the fifth- to seventh-centuries in the north. Exactly ten years after Arthur’s death at Camlann in the Annales Cambriae, Ida founds Anglian Bernicia, the original Anglian kingdom that grew into Northumbria. However, Arthur’s fall may not originally have been considered a key event in the Anglian domination of Britain.16 In both cases, the queen herself survives unharmed; Gwenhwyfar fled to a convent and Cartimandua was rescued by her Romans allies.

Both Gwenhwyfar and Cartimandua would have sought refuge in the current capital of Brigantia in the eras in which the two stories are set. Cartimandua is likely to have fortified herself at Stanwick, the pre-Roman Brigantian capital. We might imagine that Cartimandua fell back on her religious role for protection. According to Geoffrey, Gwenhwyfar and Medraut were living together in York when Arthur arrived to challenge them. From York, Gwenhwyfar flees to the church of Julius the Martyr. Geoffrey located this church in Caerleon but, in an article within this issue, P.J.C. Field identifies York as the original site of the Church of Julius the Martyr. To Peter Korrel, Gwenhwyfar’s flight to a convent is an indication that she had been a willing partner of Medraut (Korrel 1984:121-122). Gwenhwyfar is not a victim seeking reunification with her first husband but Medraut’s accomplice.

Nothing is known about the final battle between Venutius and Vellocatus or the Romans, so it cannot be compared with Camlann other than for the likelihood that both battles occurred within Brigantian territory. The leading contender for the site of Camlann is Camboglanna on Hadrian’s Wall and, also therefore, within the former Brigantian territory. After the Roman rescue of Cartimandua, Venutius is not heard from again and the Roman conquest of Brigantia begins.

We know that the tales of Gwenhwyfar and Medraut existed prior to the writing of Geoffrey’s History: Indeed the entire adultery scenario set out by Geoffrey of Monmouth seems to have been common knowledge. Geoffrey (Thorpe 1966: 257-258) “prefers to say nothing” of it. Furthermore, Geoffrey tells us his version of Camlann and, probably, the affair of Gwenhwyfar came from “the British treatise already referred to” that he claims was also known by Walter of Oxford (Thorpe 1966:258). This could all be chalked up to Geoffrey covering his tracks, except that the evidence of the Modena Archivolt stands as testimony to the existence of the association of Gwenhwyfar and Medraut prior to Geoffrey’s writing. Modern dates for the archivolt are c. 1120-1140 (Lacy 1996:325), which is contemporary with Geoffrey of Monmouth. The scene depicted on the archivolt is obscure and probably does not represent any one tale currently known. It shows Medraut (Mardoc) and Gwenhwyfar (Winlogee) in a wooden fortress being besieged by Arthur (Artus de Bretania) and some of his knights, including Gawain (Galvagin), but excluding Lancelot (Lacy 1996:325).

Although approximately 400 years separates Cartimandua’s fate and the traditional date of Gwenhwyfar’s origin, John Koch has argued that Roman conquest era history survived in Brittonic oral history fairly intact through the medieval period. Peter Korrel also sees Welsh sources such as the Historia Brittonum and the Welsh oral tales as the basis for Geoffrey’s Arthur. He believes that the Arthurian romances owe little or nothing to Geoffrey (Korrel 1984:116-117).

Gwenhwyfar has other similarities with Brigantia as a goddess of sovereignty. The name Gwenhwyfar means “white sprite or phantom,” a reference to the otherworld (Ford 1983). It has also been recognized that the name Gwenhwyfar corresponds to the Irish Findabair, the name of Queen Medb’s daughter (Bromwich and Evans 1992:66). She also appears in triplicate in the triad of Arthur’s three queens (Bromwich 1978; Coe and Young 1995:85). Gwenhwyfar is listed along with Arthur’s otherworld weapons as boons that Culhwch could not request in Culhwch and Olwen, suggesting that she comes from the otherworld also (Ford 1983:272) and reinforcing her role in Arthur’s sovereignty. According to Patrick Sims-Williams, in Welsh the “termination of -ach evokes unpleasantness” (Sims-Williams 1991:42). Therefore, Gwenhwyfar’s sister Gwenhwyfach, found in the Welsh triads (Bromwich 1978) and Culhwch and Olwen (Ford 1977:131), may represent an unpleasant or evil form of Gwenhwyfar herself.

Korrel evaluated three types of abduction stories as described by Cross and Nitze in relation to Gwenhwyfar’s abduction by Melwas and her affair with Medraut (Korrel 1984:91). Type I involves a wife-stealing raid, marriage by conquest as illustrated in the beginning of Culhwch and Olwen. In Type II, the abductor is a supernatural being who steals a mortal woman and takes her to his realm. Type III involves an otherworld abductor who reclaims his otherworld lover from her mortal mate. Korrel believes Gwenhwyfar’s relationship with Medraut is a Type I abduction and her abduction by Melwas is intended to be Type II.

In the Type I abduction, a real transfer of power occurs. The new husband claims not only his new wife but also her first husband’s lands. This appears to be exactly what Medraut does to Arthur, except that Gwenhwyfar, like Cartimandua, plays an active role in the transfer of power. The very fact that in Geoffrey’s version Arthur leaves Gwenhwyfar as a co-ruler of Britain in his absence further supports the notion that she is a sovereignty figure for the land. Note that in Culhwch and Olwen, Cilydd bears no shame for the manner by which he obtained his wife nor does his wife appear to hold it against him, bemoaning only that he has no children. Obtaining a wife by this manner was an expected ambition and therefore there was no need for guilt. The role of the wife in sovereignty/ownership of the land was very real in these wife-stealing tales for chieftains like Cilydd as well as kings.

In Triad 80, The Three Faithless Wives of the Island of Britain, Gwenhwyfar is listed as the fourth and most faithless of all. This triad illustrates that Gwenhwyfar was not viewed as a helpless victim. Being the fourth listed, she was probably a late addition to the triad. Korrel (1984:78) suggests her faithlessness may be modeled on Essyllt’s (who is also listed in the same triad) but this assumption is unnecessary. There are numerous examples of faithless wives in Celtic literature, all ultimately based on sovereignty goddesses. Gwenhwyfar’s faithlessness as a core character trait later allowed French authors free rein in their treatment of the laxity of her moral code. Yet in the Welsh tales, this faithlessness is found only in relation to Medraut and not others like Melwas.

The role of Gwenhwyfar as the instigator of Camlann is widely attested in the earliest Welsh legends. Geoffrey of Monmouth (Thorpe 1966:257-259) gives us the fullest version. The triads give a different version in which Camlann is caused by a feud between Gwenhwyfar and her sister Gwenhwyfach.

There are two triads that illustrate Gwenhwyfar’s role in the battle of Camlann. Triad 84 states “Camlan, which was brought about by a quarrel between Gwenhwyfar and Gwenhwyfach,” was one of the Three Futile Battles of the Island of Britain. The Three Harmful Blows of the Island of Britain (Triad 53) states that the blow which “Gwenhwyfach struck upon Gwenhwyfar; and for that cause there took place the Action at the battle of Camlan” (Bromwich 1978; Coe and Young 1995:83). Camlann being caused by a battle between two forms or personalities of Gwenhwyfar alludes back to the mythical symbolism of the triple goddess. Here, as a prelude to Camlann, the evil face of Gwenhwyfar’s persona takes charge.

There are also three englynions which refer to the Arthurian trio. The following three stanzas were found by Jenny Rowland “in the margin of the Dingestow 8 copy of Ymddiddan Arthur a’r Eryr (Aberysywyth, National Library of Wales, MS 5268, p. 461).” The speakers appear to be Arthur and Gwenhwyfar immediately after the battle of Camlann.

[Gwenhwyfar speaks:24]

Arthur fab Uthr of the long sword

I will say to you ?now/sadly the truth:

there is a master over every strong one.

[Arthur speaks:]

Gwenhwyfar you are ?Gwenh[w]yfach.25

I have never been healed of love-sickness for you.

Medrawd is dead. I myself almost.

A surgeon has never seen a scar

where Caledfwlch [Excaliber] struck once:26

I have struck Medrawd nine times.

Another triad alludes to a conflict between Arthur and Medraut in which Gwenhwyfar is mentioned. Triad 53 (discussed above) is immediately followed in the White Book of Rhydderch by triad 54, the Three Unrestrained Ravagings, which states “the first of them (occurred) when Medrawt came to Arthur’s court in Celliwig in Cornwall;27 he left neither food nor drink that he did not consume. And he dragged Gwenhwyfar from her royal chair, and he struck a blow on her; the second unrestrained ravaging (occurred) when Arthur came to Medrawt’s court. He left neither food or drink in the court”. If Gwenhwyfar symbolized Arthur’s sovereignty, this was a grave insult. The triad does not indicate that Medraut abducted her or that she voluntarily left with him. In this case, Gwenhwyfar may only be included as a reference to Arthur’s insulted sovereignty.

While Gwenhwyfar has several significant similarities with Brigantia, these similarities might possibly be explained in other ways. Other goddesses were worshipped in the triple goddess motif and symbolized sovereignty. Her vague name, “white phantom,” may indicate that she was a relatively new mythical creation, not based solely on one particular goddess. Yet, the historical reality of Cartimandua’s situation and the fate of the Brigantian federation make the position of Brigantia’s living personification a likely role model for Gwenhwyfar.

Conclusions

The events surrounding the fall of Brigantia are strikingly similar to the events surrounding the fall of Arthur’s golden realm. The triad of Cartimandua, Venutius, and Vellocatus bear a remarkable resemblance to the Arthurian triad of Gwenhwyfar, Arthur and Medraut. These resemblances seem like far too much to be a coincidence, the shared tragedy too great. The fate of Brigantia and the role of Cartimandua and her husbands seem almost mythic and might have been relegated to the realm of legendary moral tales had the Romans not recorded them for us. The Brigantes did not bear the Roman occupation well, mounting a serious revolt at least once and never becoming fully Romanized. The memory of their last great defender against the Romans and his tragic fall would have lingered.

It is impossible to date the origin of the Arthurian trio. As later writers relegated the possible importance of Gwenhwyfar to Arthur’s sovereignty to the margins, Medraut began to bear more blame for Arthur’s fall. There is reason to believe in the far less male dominated pantheon of the early northern British where Brigantia had reigned supreme, Gwenhwyfar bore the blame completely. The triads bear witness to this condemnation as does the early good will toward Medraut. Perhaps the statement in the Annales Cambriae is itself instructive; it blames neither Arthur or Medraut (Coe and Young 1995:12-13). It is almost as if they are acting out a play choreographed by an outside force, not unlike the fates of Gwythur, son of Greidawl, and Gwyn, son of Nudd, who fight every May Day for the hand of Creiddylad, daughter of Lludd Silver-Hand, in Culhwch and Olwen (Ford 1977:131). Arthur and Medraut’s actions and fates are sealed by an outside force, the will of Gwenhwyfar. While Gwenhwyfar may have borne the blame, she may not have originally carried guilt. This behavior is a trait of her role, an exercise of her legitimate power.

Exactly how Brigantian history was imposed on the Arthurian legend has been lost during the transmission. The fate of Brigantia may have been co-opted by a new mythic creation, Arthur the defender. Alternatively, the legend of a historical Arthur may have borrowed from Brigantian history as it encompassed ever more characteristics of other historical figures and otherworldly facets. In either case, it is likely that centuries of bardic lore and folktales remolded and synthesized the tale of Arthur’s fallen realm until it fit the tragic mold set by Brigantian history. Although Roman conquest era legends circulated throughout Britain, the northern origin of this theme fits well with the numerous other associations of the early Arthurian legend with northern Britain.

Brigantes

The Brigantes

The name Brigantia represents three separate concepts: a goddess, a people, and a tribal federation. By the Roman period, the name represented a tribal federation compromising all of what would become the Roman province of Britannia Secunda, except for the Parisi territory, east of the River Derwent.

Before the arrival of the Romans, West Yorkshire and much of the Pennine uplands were occupied by a loose association of tribes known as the Brigantes. The name seems to mean ‘the high one’, which is a suitable epithet for a group of people living in the more mountainous regions of Britain. In East Yorkshire, their neighbours were another tribe called the Parisii, who appear to have had connections with the Seine valley. This accounts for the similarity of their name to that of the capital of modern France.

Historians know little about the Brigantes before the arrival of the Romans. Presumably their ruler at the time was one of those who surrendered to Claudius at Colchester in AD 43, but they are not mentioned by name. By the early 50s AD they were being ruled by Queen Cartimandua. She lost her control of the tribe in AD 69, following an uprising led by her ex-husband Venutius. The Romans put down the rebellion and then went on to conquer the rest of northern Britain.

During the post-Roman period, the province of Britannia Secunda reverted to a state more reminiscent of its pre-Roman tribal society. The civitas of the Parisi quickly became the kingdom of Deira. Rheged appears to have been formed from the civitas of the Carvetii. The Civitas Brigantium became divided into the regions or kingdoms of Elmet, Craven, and perhaps Brigantia, located on an axis from York to Catterick, plus probably others whose names have not survived. The original capital of Brigantia is unknown, Aldborough/Isurium Brigantia became the capital during the Venutius war, civitas capital of the Brigantes was then relocated to Eboracum (York) during the Roman consolidation of their northern territories.

The term Brigantia and the concept of the goddess Brigantia survived into the post-Roman period. John Koch has tentatively translated two stanzas of the poem Y Gododdin to read “as [?] Brigantia rose, ascending towards the sky” (A.58) and “the man who [?]went down into [?] Brigantia was slain on a spear shaft” (A.71) (Koch 1997:107, 113). Catterick, the site of the main action in Y Gododdin, was deep in pre-Roman Brigantian territory.

Brigantia was a goddess who manifested herself under three forms. If we can take her later manifestation in Ireland as a guide, Cormac’s Glossary tells us Brigantia represented first and foremost sovereignty, with her other two aspects representing healing and metal working (Byrne 1973; Ross 1996:456). Anne Ross further identifies Brigantia as a patroness of pastoral peoples in Ireland and Britain. The advent of Christianity did not abolish the role of Brigantia as a symbol of sovereignty. According to John Koch, “a further survival of this idea is seen in the fragmentary elegy to the 7th century Welsh king Cadwallon in which the River Braint (<*Briganti) is described as overflowing in grief for its fallen consort”.

All of the known post-Roman northern leaders located within the former territory of the Brigantian federation are found within the dynasty of Coel Hen the Protector. This creation of this super-dynasty may indicate that regions as far separate as Rheged in Cumbria and Elmet in south-eastern Brigantia were linked together in some sort of political union. This union could have taken several forms, from an actual federation with a supreme king to an alliance of tribes with a dominant king or alternatively, a succession of dominant kings exerting hegemony over the other kingdoms of the former province of Britannia Secunda. If the dynasty of Coel Hen can be seen to have been used by later scribes as a justification or rationalization for the reformation of the Brigantia polity, the localization of the Coeling dynasts suggests Brigantian territory extended beyond its limits under the Romans to include the Gododdin and part of Galloway.

Although fourth century Roman forts were abandoned all over Britain, Kenneth Dark observed “that out of at most 16 sites with later 5th-6th century evidence no fewer than 14 had probably been under the command of the Dux Britanniarum at the end of the 4th century” (Dark 1998). Not only were these sites reoccupied, they were refortified and Saxon mercenaries may have been recruited to man them, as mentioned in the Historia Brittonum (Dark 1992). The high status of these sites is illustrated by the British halls found in Birdoswald fortress (Dark 1992) and the fifth century Christian church found in the fortress of Vindolanda (Wilkinson 1998). Further occupation has been found at the two towns closest to the Wall, Carlisle and Corbridge, plus the other Brigantian towns of Catterick, Aldborough, York and Malton (Dark 1992). Placenames and Welsh tradition further specifically associate the Coelings with the Mote of Liddel, Papcastle (Derventio), and Catterick (Miller 1975). All of these sites are believed to be located within pre-Roman Brigantian territory.

In the fifth and sixth centuries, which have been called the Age of Arthur, the tribes of Greater Brigantia were indeed on their way to becoming a major power again. The combination of extensive fortification of the abandoned Roman sites and a dynasty that includes rulers located throughout the former Brigantian territory suggests that either the federation actually or functionally became reformed by alliance and/or hegemony. With the rebirth of Greater Brigantian independence, the pre-Roman past would have been recalled with pride and sorrow.

The native way of life

For many of the people of the region life must have changed little after the Roman occupation of Brigantia. Some settlements, such as Dalton Parlours near Wetherby, did develop into Roman style villas, but many seem to have continued in their old way of life throughout the Roman period. Many of these native farmstead sites can be recognised from cropmarks on agricultural land. Cropmarks are caused by the differing rates of growth between those plants which are over a buried ditch and whose roots can still get water long after the rest of the field has dried out. Such differences in colour can be seen and photographed from the air and plotted onto a map. This technique of aerial photography is especially useful on the Magnesian Limestone belt which lies to the east of Leeds, where archaeologists have identified dozens of traces of small farms and their lanes and fields.

When such sites are excavated they usually turn out to be Iron Age or Romano-British in date. The farmsteads generally consist of a few small circular huts (about 8-10m in diameter), usually within a ditched enclosure. The huts themselves were made of wooden posts forming a circle, daubed with mud and with conical thatched roofs.

The interior would be smoky and dark. There were no windows and smoke from the central hearth could only escape through a small hole in the roof. In the west of the county settlements may have looked slightly different. The walls of the huts were built of stone boulders which had probably been cleared from surrounding fields. The Grubstones, a double circle of stones on Ilkley Moor, may represent the remains of one such hut circle. Boulder walling is also used in early field walls, some of which are found in the Aire valley, and may be very early in date.

Corn storage and grinding Other than the huts themselves, few other structures can be identified in most native British farmsteads. The remains of a series of four posts arranged in the shape of squares were found at South Elmsall. Archaeologists think that the posts supported the floors of granaries or food stores. Raising the floor off the ground would help keep the food away from rats and mice. Sometimes there may be pits in which corn or other grains could have been stored, but these are rare in West Yorkshire. Burying your crop may seem an odd way to preserve food, but if the pit is lined and sealed with clay the external atmosphere cannot reach the crop and the processes of decay are halted. The principle is really the same as burying goods in air tight sealed bags today. A large number of pits are known from a site near Ledston.

Sometimes small keyhole shaped ovens are also found. Archaeologists think that these might have been used to dry out the grain before it was put into storage. When required the grain could be ground into flour by the use of a quern or hand mill. The ones which the Brigantes used are usually known as ‘beehive’ querns because of their resemblance to the old-fashioned straw beehive. They were made out of millstone grit and tended to produce a very coarse product as the stone wore away and particles of grit ended up in the flour. For better quality breads the Romans imported lava querns from Germany. These are more hard wearing and are still sometimes used by millers today.

From https://www.huddersfield1.co.uk/yorkshire/yorksbrigantia.htm

What do we know about the extent of Celtic influence in Yorkshire, the Romans found that a mixed farming economy was pursued throughout the territory of both the Brigantes and the Parisii. For their own ends the Romans would have sought to encourage the continuity of this practice, even if under the Roman yoke. In a few localities the outline of field systems reflecting the pattern of farming in the Iron Age can still be found at High Close and on nearby Lea Green, both near Grassington in Upper WharfeDale, also at Malhamdale overlooked by the 300 foot high Malham Cove. At each of the above locations, excellent examples of field systems date from either Celtic or the later Romano-British period.

According to Stabo, the Celts occupied dwellings that were round in plan with a central hearth and which usually had storage pits dug into the floor. The walls apparently were fashioned from roughly adzed planks, set end-on and placed side-by-side, to support a thatched roof. It was a pattern very nearly continuous with those used in the earlier Bronze Age, and indeed is similar to ones still used today by ethnic groups in some Third World Countries, Papua New Guinea for example.

In the North York Moors the foundations of typically Celtic huts are to be found at several localities. Some of them are contained within an outer enclosure that served a defensive function. Examples can be seen on Borrowby Moor, at Sleddale near the banks of Codhill Slack and on Levisham Moor between Little Griff and Dundale Pond. At the Sleddale site the circular outlines of five houses, each almost thirty feet in diameter and with flagged floors, are positioned near the centre of a three-hundred-feet-long enclosure. Two additional locations in the North York Moors region are easily accessible for examination. The first of these can be clearly seen adjacent to the road along the crest of Percy Cross Rigg, one and a half miles north east of Kildale. The site enjoys a wonderful open views south and southeast over to Baysdale and Commondale, and northwest to the shapely cone of Roseberry Topping. Curiously enough, the settlement is situated on a high point of the ridge called Brown Hill, but more about the significance of this shortly. Two miles away on Great Ayton Moor is an enclosure, square in plan, also dating from the Iron Age and which may have offered protection to dwellings, though there are no obvious signs of any. This is located only half a mile northwest of Oak Tree Farm. Another much more interesting place, this time at the opposite side of the vale of York, can be seen on Upper Wharfedale. This site shows up prominently on aerial photographs and is also clearly visible on the ground. It is slightly south of the village of Kilnsey at Outgang Hill. An oblong enclosure some one hundred and fifty feet by a hundred, it contains the foundations of five hut circles of the style described by Strabo, each around twenty-five feet in diameter. Two smaller enclosures exist in the northern corner. Next to this a slightly larger compound, around two hundred square yards in extent, while over the nearby wall in the pasture to the northeast, a field system covers approximately 1000 square yards.

Other groups of hut circles and field systems attributed to this period can be studied in the parallel valleys of Wensleydale and Swaledale. Here the Iron Age is well represented on Addleborough Hill, again near Stony Raise, and above West Burton to the south of Dove Scar. Two additional sites that invite a visit are found at Arngill Scar, where hut foundations occupy a ledge overlooking the River Swale, flowing here through the impressive Kisdon Gorge. Seven miles down the Dale, there is another site on Harkerside Moor close to the Maiden Castle. Here we find a few hut circles contained within an outer perimeter banking. The site is generally believed to date from the late Bronze Age, though it is possible that the site saw co-habitation between Bronze Age native and Celt, or was an adaptation contemporary with the early Iron Age. Other earthworks dating from the later period exist in the vicinity, and this together with the fact that the name ‘maiden’ incorporates the Celtic place-name element ‘dun’ meaning a fortified place, seems to lend further weight to the assumption that the Celts made use of an existing facility. This is just one instance in which place-names can provide clues to the past. The system of farming pursued by both Brigantes and Parisii was mixed arable with livestock rearing. Barley, oats, flax and rye were all cultivated, while the domesticated animals were represented by sheep, cattle, goats, pigs and horses. Grazing was confined to swampy areas of the lowlands and loftier regions of the North York Moors and Pennine regions, the better land being preserved exclusively for cereal crops. Wharfedale has produced several querns, proof that an arable economy existed concurrent with a pastoral lifestyle. In the south of the country, evidence for Iron Age farming activities has until fairly recently been rather sketchy but, with the introduction of infra-red photography as an archaeological tool, many new sites of farmsteads, enclosures and settlements have been discovered. This method of investigation is beyond the scope of the amateur but the study of conventional aerial photography is accessible to the reader fortunate enough to have access to a collection of local authority aerial photographs or even a light aircraft. When viewed from a sufficient altitude and under optimum conditions the outlines of sites can be clearly revealed. A low sun angle helps to highlight the relief of the landscape, including prehistoric remains; at other times, a light dusting of powdery snow can show up the countryside below, just as French chalk makes a fingerprint visible.

Not all sites discovered by these methods have been positively dated to the Iron Age, neither are the techniques restricted to the detection of sites from that period; it works just as well for settlements as old as the Neolithic. Either way though, these locations rarely present any visible features for the ground-based investigator. This technique has also revealed sites of suspected Iron Age around Malton, in the southern area of the North York Moors, though again these are not visible on the ground.

In our quest for the roots of the county’s past, there is an amazing oblivion to the fact that evidence is all around us, often on our very ‘doorstep’. Within our hybrid language, for instance, there are components reflecting earlier cultures. That any Celtic place-names have emerged from the Teytonic invasions of the Dark Ages and even the blitz kreig colonialism of the Normans is a measure of the lasting influence Celtic culture had on settlers like the Anglo-Saxons and Danes. Several place-name components were handed down, though not always without change. An examination of these enduring signposts to the past can enliven a day out for ramblers in the Celtic territories of Brigantia.

Throughout the region we are concerned with there are place-names identified with Celtic sources. Included among these are Rotherham, Fangfoss, Glaisdale, names beginning with Eccles and Otley’s popular playground, The Chelvin. This is almost certainly a time-warped version of another word meaning ‘ridge’ and is similar in pronunciation to the Welsh Celtic ‘Cefn’. The once fashionable spa town of Ilkley is the Olicana that was eventually to hold such a strategic importance for the Romans, while the name Craven, for the upland region forming the southern part of the Yorkshire Dales, could be derived from the Celtic Craf, referring to the wild garlic which still flourishes in woodland gills of the area. Further to the east, the North York Moors National Park has its Cod Hill and Cod Beck, both seemingly embodying the element coed, meaning wood in the Celtic tongue.

Cattle farmers

Although coins were introduced into the south of Britain before the arrival of the Romans, the habit of using money had not reached West Yorkshire before the arrival of the Romans. The Brigantes probably measured their wealth in cattle and some of the enclosures which archaeologists have identified on aerial photographs are probably stock pens to keep their animals in.

The Druids

Julius Caesar’s accounts of the Celts describe one influential caste, the Druids as men of elevated learning, absorbed with the contemplation of sacred groves, the moon, the sun and other heavenly bodies, but also bent upon appeasing their gods in the most barbaric of manners. The Druid’s pagan religion evolved a doctrine of immortality, a glorious life after death, which no doubt goes some way towards explaining the daring courage of their warriors on the battlefield.

Much of our knowledge of the Celts is owed to the Romans, but it is from them also that later cultures inherited a common misconception about this mysterious race. The Romans believed, quite incorrectly, that the so-called Druids were responsible for the erection of megalith monuments like the stone avenues at Carnac in Brittany, Stonehenge and probably our own Devil’s Arrows, no doubt built to serve their pagan excesses in times of social stress. Standing stones like those famous arrows were already ancient when the Celts arrived and contrary to what the Romans believed could not, as we now know have been erected during the Iron Age. This distorted picture of those learned High Priests of Celtic society was embroidered upon by the writings of the Victorian romantic Cartographers jumped on the ‘band wagon’ so we find natural features throughout the Country that have been linked with what were imagined to be the pagan beliefs and practices of Iron Age Britain. In Yorkshire there is a Druid’s Altar on a prominent gritstone outcrop overlooking Bingley in the Aire Valley, while near the Hamlet of Bordley, in the Yorkshire Dales National Park, a group of three standing stones is variously marked on Ordnance Survey Maps as Druid’s Circle and Druid’s Altar. This was thought originally to be the remains of an embanked circle, or due to its ruinous state, a small chambered grave. It has since been considered to be the surviving pillars of a megalith four poster, a burial site of a type normally found in Scotland. Others have conceived tenuous links between the Celts and the more prominent and strangely weathered natural rocks. The celebrated gritstone outcrops at Brimham Rocks are no exception. Just what the connection, if any, might have been between these sites and the colourful image of the Druid’s is anyone’s guess.

I would recommend a visit to the Bingley outcrop, or better still the weirdly-eroded rocks at Brimham, but wait for one of those stormy days for which the Pennines are well known. When the elements are locked in battle and leaden clouds hang overhead like harbingers of certain doom, it takes a little stretch of a fertile imagination to visualise these blackened, time ravaged stones in use as sacrificial altars. Being realistic though, it is unlikely that these exposed stations were the scenes of bloodletting or other pagan customs. The stories are no doubt good for tourism promotion. Gruesome sacrifices were prevalent in Iron Age Britain, however. We do know that some ritual interpretation manifested itself in human votive offerings. These acts were more grievous than simple bloodletting to appease the mortal gods. According to Caesar we are given to understand that the Celtic functionaries ordered huge hollow figures to be built in human likeness, fashioned from the branches of trees. Into these young men were herded and the effigy set alight in a ghastly carnage by fire. The auspices of the Celtic pantheon did not come cheap, for those unfortunates making the donations at least. Curiously enough, in the tiny village of Wensleydale village of West Witton a quaint tradition bears an uncanny resemblance to the Celtic custom, though of course it does not include human immolation. The Burning Bartle ceremony takes place annually on the Saturday nearest Saint Bartholomew’s Day. A larger than life human effigy, fashioned of Wickerwork and stuffed with straw, is paraded around the village streets until after dark, when it is burned on a bonfire to the accompaniment of a chanted rhyme:

At Penthill Crags he tore his rags

At Hunter’s Thorn he blew his horn

At Capplebank Stee he brak his knee

At Grassgill Beck he brak his neck

At Waddem’s end he couldn’t fend

At Grassgill End he made his end

 

Exactly who or what was Bartle is, today, a mystery. He may have been the sheep-stealing giant who, according to local tradition, is said to have roamed on nearby Pen Hill. Perhaps Bartle was a spirit of the extensive forests that once thrived in the dale, or is he simply the faded memory of an ancient fertility symbol? Others have suggested that it represents the Saint, and though the timing of the custom appears to support this theory, one cannot entirely dismiss the vague similarity between this and the barbaric Celtic practice. Penhill is a further link in the cultural ‘chain’, incorporating the Celtic place-name component, pen, linking present times with the Iron Age.

The three basic elements of the earth and firmament, those of air, fire and water, have been the objects of veneration in all places from the earliest of ages. In these were have the evidence in support of the earliest forms of ritual ceremony. The classical writers at the time of the Roman conquest recorded that groves, rivers, and especially wells and springs, were sacrosanct to the Celtic spiritual well being. Ordeal by fire has already been highlighted as one method by which they solicited the will and co-operation of their gods. Others existed. In Yorkshire we have the clearest evidence that a water cult persisted throughout Brigitania.

Many rivers in Yorkshire have retained their original Celtic names – Ouse, Derwent, Esk and Aire, for example. Some were dedicated to the patron water nymphs, for instance Verbeia is believed to be the ancient name for the Wharfe, named after its goddess. Others reflect the clarity, good mood or other aspect of the watercourse, as in the Nidd. Interestingly, the fort established by the Romans by the River Dana was given the Latin form of Danum, thus carrying forward the British River name component to be preserved in the modern Doncaster.

Altars consecrated to pagan divinities have been discovered in various localities. The Ilkley altar bears an inscription, which reads “Sacred to Verbeia: Clodius Fronto, perfect of the Second Cohort of Lingonions”. A second dedicated altar was found at a river shrine near Bowes.Not only were the rivers the sacred abodes of beneficial spirits, but even springs and wells held a special place in the magico-religious order of the Druids. In Brigitania votive objects in various forms were cast into watery places. In the sleepy hamlet of Settle, there is evidence to support the theory that here an important centre of Brigitanian worship once existed. The hamlet is situated at the centre of three ancient wells. Just a short stroll from the church of Saint Alkelda is the well at Bankwell, covered with a stone slab and pouring its water into a stone trough. Towards the end of the last century, a small lead figurine was found in the well. It is about 7.5 cm high and was once housed in the defunct Pigyard Museum, in Settle. It is now in private ownership. Due to its appearance the figurine was believed to be a toy dating from Tudor times. It was recognised, however, that some of the crudely executed features parallel a similar style of decoration found on a bronze shield contemporary with the La Tene culture found in a hoard at Merioneth. The similarities are so identical as to rule out coincidence. Moreover, it is even postulated that the Bankwell figurine may represent the Celtic goddess Brigantia herself – suggested that Giggleswick church stands on or close to the site of an important pagan shrine, possibly dedicated to this deity.

The church at Giggleswick is generally associated with the nearby Ebbing and Flowing Well, whose strange fluctuations have baffled travellers for centuries. It is not unreasonable to believe that this site, too, would have enjoyed some importance in those days and received its share of votive offerings. It still does if the number of coins and other objects found in it are any indication. At some time in the past all the wells in Giggleswick have enjoyed fame for their healing waters, including the Holy Well on the site of Giggleswick School next to the church. Built into the fabric of St Alkeldas in Giggleswick can be seen two carved stone heads, obviously much more ancient than the building itself, and which may originally have come from a heathen shrine at either of its three wells. One head forms a Corbel to an internal arch, while a second specimen has been incorporated into the outer surface of the north wall of the nave, where it gazes coldly in the direction of the Ebbing Well a mile away to the north-west. These carved heads have been identified with a Celtic Pagan Cult, which persisted in the Iron Age Brigantia, but we shall discuss this further in the next chapter. Another matter, linked in some way with the Bankwell figurine, concerns the so-called naked man café, formerly an inn of the same name.

Besides making votive offerings to lakes, pools and other aqueous features of landscape, objects were also deposited in caves or cast down any convenient natural shaft. In Wookey Hole, Somerset, a famous instance was the discovery of several human skulls. Given the fact that Craven was at the heart of Brigantia one wonders what role if any, the deep abyss of Gaping Gill played in Celtic Paganism? It is easy to allow the imagination drift back two millennia, to a scene of human sacrifice, victims cast into the depths of this frightful pot-hole as libation to the deities of the nether regions. Within the cultural context of caves the significance of Attermire Cave leaves us in no doubt. Iron types of wheels, lynch pins and nails discovered at this site could simply have been the remains of a native wain, though its location in a cliff face remote from the nearest possible track makes this very unlikely. Somebody went to a lot of drag the vehicle up a steep scree slope, not easy to negotiate even without a burden, and to deposit it carefully within the cave. This is a sure indication of some ritual activity, despite the lack of sepulchral deposits.

The Fall of Brigantia

When the Romans arrived in the first century, they found the vast Brigantian tribal federation in the neck of Britain organized under Queen Cartimandua (c. 43 to c. 70 AD), whose seat was at the massive fortification of Stanwick.6 Cartimandua’s husband was acknowledged as king, assuming the role as the Brigantian warlord. The Roman historian Tacitus (Annals 12.40, 2-7; Histories 3.45; Koch 1995:39-40) specifically acknowledges that it was Cartimandua, the living symbol of Brigantia, who held the ultimate power among the Brigantes and had an active role in choosing her husband/warlord. Indeed, it has been suggested that the Welsh word for king, brenin, is derived from brigantinos meaning the consort of Brigantia (Koch 1995:39). The Romans must have been pleased when they found that Cartimandua favored establishing formal contacts and alliances with them. Although firm evidence is lacking, it is believed that Brigantia became a Roman client kingdom as early as the 40’s AD (Hanson and Campbell 1986:73).

Initially, Brigantia prospered as a client state and grew wealthy. In 51 AD, Caratacus son of Cunobelinus, the leader of Celtic resistance to the Romans in the south, was captured and brought before Cartimandua, who promptly turned him over to the Romans.8 Tacitus (3.45; Koch 1995:40) credited Cartimandua’s capture of Caratacus as “having secured the most important component of Emperor Claudius’s triumph”.

In the following years, relations broke down between the Brigantian Royal houshold. Cartimandua divorced her husband Venutius and took as her husband another warrior named Vellocatus (“better in battle”), Venutius’s former armor bearer. However this was no simple divorce for, by this action, her new husband became king. Tacitus (3.45; Koch 1995:39-40) recorded that the divorce and remarriage prompted a civil war among the Brigantes because the majority of the people preferred Venutius as king. Yet, Cartimandua’s will prevailed, “favoring the illegitimate husband [Vellocatus] were the queen’s libido and her ferocious temper” (Tacitus 3.45; Koch 1995:40).

Venutius, who had previously fought for the Romans, turned to the anti-Roman faction among the Brigantes for support and ignited a civil war. The war continued for some time among the Brigantes until Venutius was on the eve of victory. With Cartimandua in a compromised position, the Romans intervened to save their ally (Salway 1993:92). Roman intervention saved Cartimandua but in the end her actions gave the Romans an excuse to conquer Brigantia.11 The Romans could not tolerate the long Brigantian border in the hands of a hostile king who could not only attack the south himself but also harbor Roman enemies from the south (Salway 1993:92). To the Brigantians, the fault for their conquest by the Romans would have fallen squarely on the shoulders of Cartimandua and the war between her husbands . . . and would not have been forgotten.

Cartimandua was capable of such behavior because she was a living representative of the goddess of sovereignty, Brigantia (Koch 1995:39-40; Ross 1996:354-355). According to Anne Ross, “Cartimandua’s powerful role in Roman times may suggest that society recognized the power of the goddess by mirroring her authority in its own temporal ruler. . . . This particular goddess may have been as much concerned with the actual tribal hegemony as with the territory” (Ross 1996:456). According to Patrick Ford, horses were intimately associated with goddesses of sovereignty (Ford 1977: 8-10). It is possible that Cartimandua inherited this role since her name literally means “sleek pony” (Ross 1996:449).

Brigantia was a goddess who manifested herself under three forms. If we can take her later manifestation in Ireland as a guide, Cormac’s Glossary tells us Brigantia represented first and foremost sovereignty, with her other two aspects representing healing and metal working (Byrne 1973; Ross 1996:456). Anne Ross further identifies Brigantia as a patroness of pastoral peoples in Ireland and Britain.12 The advent of Christianity did not abolish the role of Brigantia as a symbol of sovereignty. According to John Koch, “a further survival of this idea is seen in the fragmentary elegy to the 7th century Welsh king Cadwallon in which the River Braint (<*Briganti) is described as overflowing in grief for its fallen consort”.13

Atrebates

The Atrebates

Background to the Atrebates

Location of the tribe
The Atrebates were located in the south of England, along what is now Hampshire.

Background information
One thing that is unclear about the Atrebates, is their origin. Like some tribes in Britain, they had a counterpart tribe in Gaul. It is not recorded whether the Atebates began their existence in Britain end expanded to Belgic Gaul, or vice versa. As the majority of tribes began life in Europe before expanding to Britain, it seems likely the latter is the most reasonable assumption.

The Atrebates were one of the more successful tribes and also one of the most civilised. For many years before the Romans arrived, they had been trading with the tribes in Europe. Indeed when the Romans took Gaul, the Atrebates saw this as a chance for more trade and so increased their output of fine cloths, hunting dogs and items that would be useful, especially to the military.

Having contacts so close across the water enabled them to take on new ideas, which gave them the advantage in developing their culture and technology.

Principal towns and settlements in Atrebatian territory

Calleva Atrebatum – The Capital (Silchester, Hampshire) The oppidum at Calleva (Silchester) developed in size and importance to become the main centre of the Atrebates tribe.
Cvnetio – (Mildenhall, Wiltshire)
Thatcham – (Berkshire) – Posting station on the road between Calleva and Cunetio
(Guildford -(Surrey) – Probable Roman settlement on the Pilgrims Way south-east of Calleva.
Spinis – This name is open to interpretation -( nr. Lambourne, Berkshire) – Itinerary road station west of Thatcham
(Reading – Berkshire)
– It is strongly suspected there was a settlemnt here established by the Romans

The Atrebates and the Romans

In 55 and 54 BC, Julius Caesar sent Roman legions to Britain on a misson that were regarded more as expeditions that full blown invasions. Commius took a prime role against Caesar by acting as an ambassador for the British tribes who opposed the Roman general. Commius later turned against his former friends and led the Atrebates in an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow Vercingatorix during the Siege of Alesia in 53BC. Now the enemy of Caesar, Commius fled the continent in 51 BC, but still kept his links with Britain open. Frontinus tells us how Commius escaped from Caesar by devious means. It is not surprise that Caesar omited these deatils rom his accounts of his escapades in Britain.

‘Commius, the Atrebatian, when defeated by the deified Julius, fled from Gaul to Britain, and happened to reach the Channel at a time when the wind was fair, but the tide was out. Although the vessels were stranded on the flats, he nevertheless ordered the sails to be spread. Caesar, who was following from a distance, seeing the sails swelling with the full breeze, and imagining Commius to be escaping from his hands and to be proceeding on a prosperous voyage, abandoned the pursuit.’

Some of the Atrebatian kings

Commius the Gaul Probably eminated from the Atrebates tribe in Gaul He became an aide of Julius Caesar, possibly sometime during 56BC, and helped the Romans during both expeditions to Britain, where in 54BC he persuaded King Cassivellaunus to succumb to the Romans.

In 51BC he joined forces with other Gaulish leaders in an attempt to overcome Vercingetorix during the siege of Alesia. His Atrebatean warriors along with the other Gaulish tribes were defeated by Caesar. The following year, realising that there would be no escape from Caesar’s retribution, he came to terms with his legate, Marcus Antonius (the famous Mark Antony), and offered some of his own family as hostages. Not satisfied that he could trust Antony, he fled to Britain and vowed never to have anything to do with the Romas again. He founded a dynasty among the existing Atrebatean settlers.

Commius the Younger Commius the Younger, succeeded his father Commius the Gaul in 35BC and ruled until 20BC, when he was succeeded by his own sons, first Tincommius, then Eppillus and afterwards, Verica..

Tincommius The eldest son of Commius the Younger, with whom he jointly ruled for a number of years until his father’s death 20BC. It is possible that during the period of joint rule, Tincommius governed the southern half of the Atrebatean territory from Noviomagus, where he stayed in the south. His brother Eppillus governed the territory north of Calleva, and was to be the downfall of Tincommius, for it is from this time that the oppidum at Calleva developed into the main centre of Atrebatean power, under the rule of Eppilus.

Around 5BC, it would appear that diplomatic initiatives were instated between Tincommius and the emperor which were bonded in a treaty. These pro-Roman attitudes, in direct opposition to those of his father, possibly caused a break in the Atrebatean upper classes who moved north and founded Dobunni. Before 7AD was overthrow in a coup launched by his younger brother Eppillus and was deposed. He travelled to Rome to plead for reinstatement before Emperor Augustus. This request was refused as Augustus was in no position to mount a military campaign in Britain at this time. Not only was Timcommius cast out of Britain, Eppillus was officially recognised as king by Rome.

Eppillus A son of Commius the Younger. His elder brother Tincommius took the Atrebatean throne following a period of joint rule after their father’s death 20BC. Tincommius continued to rule the kingdom from Noviomagus on the south coast, and left his brother Eppillus to govern the northern tribal lands from Calleva. Eppillus appeared to play the subordinate to his brother, but this was merely a ploy to lull Tincommius into a false sense of security. In 7AD he conspired to remove Tincommius from the Atrebatean throne, forcing him to flee to Rome to ask Emperor. Augustus to give him back his throne..Augustus did not want to bother himself with the situation, however, and recognised Eppillus as king of the Atrebates. His reign over the Atrebates was short, and around 15AD he was deposed by his younger brother Verica who possibly raised support among the upper members of the Atrebates. Eppilius escaped to Kent, where in turn, he overthrew either Dubnovellaunus or Vosenios as king.

Verica The youngest son of Commius the Younger. After his brother Eppillus deposed their elder brother Tincommius from the Atrebatean thone ib.5AD, Verica built up a following of Atrebatean nobles opposed to the rule of Eppillus. With their help he took the throne from Eppillus for himself around 15AD. Like both of his brothers before him, he was recognised by Rome as the Atrebatian king. He ruled the Atrebates for many years from the capital of Calleva before being forced out by Epaticcus, who was the brother of Cunobelin. This probably occurred in 25AD. It would seem that Verica continued to fight his rival for some time, being forced gradually further south by his stronger opponent. Around AD35 however, Epaticcus was either killed or died naturally, and Verica made some progress toward retaking the lands lost to the Catuvellauni.

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